A History of Korea Part 11

 By Michael Downey

The entry of the People's Republic of China into the war was a major setback for the UN forces. The North Korean army had been totally defeated. The American-led UN forces had occupied nearly the entire nation, right up to the border with China. The war was basically won.

As early as October 1950, American intelligence flights over China revealed masses of troops gathered along the border with North Korea, ready to cross. The Supreme Commander of the UN forces, General Douglas MacArthur, decided strategically to drop atomic bombs on China to break up the troop formations and destroy bridges across the rivers. To do that, MacArthur needed authorization from President Harry Truman. Truman was worried about escalating the war and triggering World War III with the Soviet Union. He refused permission.

Those Chinese troops poured across the border and surrounded the X Corps in the east and the Eighth Army in the west. Both had to withdraw, and People's Volunteer Army (PVA) troops swarmed into North Korea, occupying the entire country and, by January 7, capturing Seoul.

MacArthur was sure he had been right. He began spreading the word that he would have won the war and united Korea if Truman had not interfered. Truman did not like being second-guessed. When MacArthur shared his views with prominent members of Congress, Truman had enough and fired him from all his commands. The issue was the principle of civilian control of the military.

That being said, was MacArthur right?

The UN forces were back on their heels. Forced to withdraw from North Korea and struggling to move men, machines, and equipment south of the Han River, they were inundated with more than 50,000 refugees fleeing the communist advance.

Moon Sun Myung gathered two disciples and fled Pyongyang just hours ahead of the advancing Chinese troops. Dressed in odd, mismatched clothing, they started south on foot. One of the three had a broken leg and was too big to carry, so they put him on a bicycle and pushed it along the way. Their biggest problem was finding food. Their only resource was to scrounge from abandoned houses. In the bitter cold, half-starved, they walked most of the way and endured the suffering of the Korean people that winter. They arrived in Busan as dirt-poor refugees to start over on January 27, 1951.

That winter and spring, the roads and bridges were overrun with refugees escaping the brutality of the communists. The roads were already clogged with military vehicles and equipment. The military had priority; civilians had to go wherever and whenever they could. Roads were cleared with machines, bayonets, and even airstrikes. War was proving to be hell. Civilians were often treated roughly. The main concern was that North Koreans would infiltrate the masses of refugees. Military police did their best to vet them, but it was a herculean task.

By March 17, the UN launched a counterattack and retook Seoul. The capital had now changed hands four times. Much of the population had either been killed or had fled south. Buildings were flattened, and infrastructure was destroyed.

That spring, UN resistance stiffened primarily due to U.S. industrial power. Airplanes flying off aircraft carriers, from Japan, and from airstrips behind the lines established air superiority. Heavy bombers then decimated troop movements, supply lines, and infrastructure. The war, now largely between China and the American-led UN forces, became a series of offensives and counteroffensives in the rugged hills of Korea.

In July 1951, ceasefire negotiations began. They dragged on for two years while the fighting ground down into trench warfare. How would you like to be the last man killed in that war?

In July 1953, an armistice was signed. There was a ceasefire, and fighting stopped. Prisoners of war were exchanged. But no peace treaty was ever signed. The two countries remain divided, North and South, and technically still at war.

Both sides began to rebuild. The North received substantial aid from the Soviet Union to rebuild industries left by Japan and to feed the starving population. Socialism, Marxism-Leninism, and Juche became the guiding ideologies. Kim Il Sung may have been frustrated, as there was little room for true self-reliance, despite Juche’s emphasis on it. The growing cult of personality around him may have been some consolation.

Initially, the North outpaced the South in postwar development. The South also had the added burden of defending against aggression from the North.

In the South, the United States signed economic development and security agreements with South Korea and permanently based a large military presence there, guaranteeing the nation’s security.

Syngman Rhee remained at the helm, but his lackluster performance and increasing authoritarianism made him steadily more unpopular. In 1960, after a nationwide student uprising, he was forced to resign and returned to Hawaii. He seemed to like it there.

The Second Republic was short-lived—only nine months. It adopted a prime minister system and attempted to grapple with deeply entrenched problems. It proved inefficient, weak, and unpopular. Eventually, the military lost patience, stepped in, and overthrew the government.

It was replaced by a military government led by a Supreme Council under General Park Chung-hee, who had been second in command of the armed forces. He was a graduate of several Japanese military academies and had been a collaborator during the colonial period.

Park took over as president, beginning the Third Republic. After years of confusion and inefficiency, he established firm control. A staunch anti-communist, he took steps to prevent the nation from being blindsided again by the North.

In 1961, Park enacted the Anti-Communist Act. It was used to suppress politicians, journalists, union leaders, and students who appeared to be leftist or threats to national security. He also established the KCIA as the intelligence-gathering and anti-communist arm of the government.

After securing the nation, Park moved to revitalize the economy. He focused on major industries such as steel manufacturing, shipbuilding, and electronics—industries judged to have export potential. Through policy and investment, he worked to turn them into export engines to drive economic growth.

During this period, the government-controlled banking and credit, directing funds toward strategic sectors. It established a series of five-year plans to manage and track development. Park also boosted agriculture through land reform and the Saemaul (New Village) Movement to enhance rural life.

Park’s tenure saw the rise of the chaebol—large, family-controlled conglomerates working hand in hand with the government to dominate key industries. The best known are Samsung, Hyundai, and LG. Today they dominate roughly 40% of South Korea’s economy.

All of this effort produced a dramatic transformation. South Korea went from a war-torn, aid-dependent nation to a global powerhouse and key U.S. ally—not only exporting steel, ships, and electronics, but increasingly movies, music, dance, and other cultural products. This transformation is widely known as the Miracle on the Han.

It was not all a bed of roses. The price was often personal freedom. Despite economic gains, many fell out of favor with Park due to his strict authoritarianism. His regime suppressed political opposition and tightly controlled the military.

In the mid-1960s, Park made a deal with President Lyndon Johnson to send Korean troops to fight in Vietnam. Money changed hands, and the decision was not popular in Korea.

In 1971, Park narrowly won another term. In December, he declared a national emergency, citing a dangerous international situation. The National Assembly granted him sweeping powers to suppress opponents, the press, and students. The following year, he disbanded the Assembly, suspended the 1962 Constitution, and replaced it with the Yushin Constitution, which gave him effectively unlimited terms in office.

In October 1979, Park was having dinner and drinks at a KCIA safehouse near the Blue House in Seoul. Present were Park, Kim Jae-kyu (the director of the KCIA), several presidential staff members, and two young women. There was heated arguing among the men. At some point, Kim left the room, retrieved his service revolver, returned, and began shooting—killing the president and another man.

Kim fled but was arrested later that night.

Why did he do it?

Kim and Park had been friends and colleagues. No explanation has ever satisfied everyone. Some say it was related to a leftist uprising in Masan—Park wanted to crush it, while Kim favored negotiation. Others cite policy disagreements about the nation’s direction.

When I lived in Korea, I knew someone who claimed inside knowledge. He said it was over a woman with whom both Park and Kim were involved. Powerful men, whiskey, and rivalry—he believed Kim, in a drunken rage, shot his boss. He even told me the woman’s name, but I won’t repeat it here. She was said to be a rising K-pop singer in the 1970s.

Ah well. It’s something like the Korean version of “Who killed the Kennedys?”

Power then passed to another general, Chun Doo-hwan. A graduate of the Korean Military Academy, Chun had risen through the ranks, led Korean troops in Vietnam, and served in several positions under Park. He was an early supporter of Park’s 1961 coup. At the time of the assassination, Chun headed Military Security and was appointed to investigate the crime.

Using that position—and accusing rivals of complicity—he gained control of the government. Two years later, he became president of the Fifth Republic. In the interim, he was the de facto leader and ordered the military suppression of the pro-democracy uprising in Gwangju.

Although the new constitution was less authoritarian than the Yushin Constitution, Chun used subterfuge, duplicity, and selective violence to maintain power.

During his tenure, South Korea’s economy grew at its fastest rate. The nation prepared to host the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, showcasing the Miracle on the Han. Yet despite economic growth, the democracy movement intensified its demands for greater freedoms.

The constitution limited Chun to one term. Eventually, he conceded and allowed the first free, direct presidential election since 1961. His ally Roh Tae-woo won. The age of dictatorship was ending.

Although Roh had been Chun’s classmate, a Vietnam War commander, and complicit in the Gwangju crackdown, he publicly committed to democratization and completed his term.

Both Chun and Roh were later indicted for corruption, treason, and their roles in the brutal suppression of Gwangju. They were convicted and sentenced to death. The sentences were later reduced to life imprisonment, and eventually both were pardoned.